Data Workers' Inquiry: Reclaiming Scientific Inquiry as a Tool for Workers' Struggle
This essay presents the DWI as a tool for collective organizing and emancipation. Using a Marxist framework, it demonstrates how politically engaged research can produce strategic knowledge that supports collective action.
by Laurenz Sachenbacher
The „Data Workers‘ Inquiry“ (DWI) is a global participatory research initiative where data workers, i.e., those who generate, annotate, and validate data for AI technologies, from 13 countries across five continents investigate the precise nature of their class composition. As community researchers, they are invited to identify the pressing issues of their everyday and working lives, formulate pointed research questions, and choose adequate formats to communicate their findings. The results document institutionalized forms of wage theft, facilitated by deliberate hirings of workers from vulnerable demographics, platforms and BPOs alike globally pitting workers against each other, close-knitted control of workers through KPIs and NDAs, the normalization of sexual violence, far-reaching mental trauma and social isolation for the workers, and the workers receiving no noteworthy support by their employers or established unions in their respective countries. All these problems are reflected to different degrees in each inquiry. The one common denominator between them is the structurally conditioned, individually isolating nature of the far-reaching precarization of data workers.
The point of this position paper, however, is not to reiterate the findings of the inquiries. I invite all of you to read the workers’ own accounts and outlines of avenues for collective emancipation. This position paper is instead meant to reflect on the theoretical consequences of our research project. As a member of the core researcher team, I have defended as well as questioned the adequacy of an explicitly Marxist framework to investigate labor struggles in a highly digitalized capitalism from the very beginning. Now that our project has gained prominence, lead to direct, long-lasting improvements for workers, and continues to delve deeper into the multifaceted, global exploitation of data workers, I deem it crucial to share these considerations of mine and critically assess the following questions: To which extent can a Marxist analysis of the capitalist mode of production help illuminate the situation of data workers across the world?
To systematically answer this question, I will first introduce the notion of Marxist theory as a “Philosophy of Action” that regards theory and praxis as dialectically co-constitutive. Afterwards, I will synthesize this general understanding into a precise analysis of the role of scientific investigations in labor struggles, highlighting both its invaluable insights as well as pitfalls and potentials for capitalist (re)appropriation. Afterwards, I will apply these insights to the DWI as a decisively political research project. Finally, I will draw conclusions both about the state of data workers’ struggle based on Marxist theory, as well as the adequacy of Marxist theory to account for the specifics of data workers’ exploitation and their amplifying demands for emancipation. I want to clearly state that reflecting the entirety of Marxist theory and its development throughout the last 150+ years massively exceeds the scope of this position paper. On the one hand, because, as I will explain in the following section, the theory itself got developed further to account for changes in the objective realities of workers throughout history, and, on the other, because a decisive strength of Marx’ deliberations was their attention to detail in light of the holistic analysis of the capitalist mode of production. However, since the theory is still in development and use today, even undergoing a resurgence in light of the recent crises of global capitalism, I want to contribute to the lively debate by situating our research project in it.
Marxist Theory as Philosophy of Action
To approach Marxism as a Philosophy of Action is to reject any understanding of it as a purely abstract system of thought imposed upon reality from above. Instead, it is a mode of thinking that emerges from, and returns to, practical struggles. It is inseparable from collective attempts to transform the material conditions of life and acquires its validity and objectivity through its capacity to orient action. This conviction is explicitly expressed in Karl Marx’s rejection of the German idealism prevalent during his time:
“The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is not a question of theory but is a practical question. Man must prove the truth, i.e., the reality and power, the this-sidedness of his thinking, in practice. The dispute over the reality or non-reality of thinking which is isolated from practice is a purely scholastic question” (Marx, 1990b, p. 5).
Consequently, Marx’s historical materialism investigates a historically specific mode of production, consisting of the means of production and the relations of production. The former, as described in Das Kapital, is composed of the average degree of skill of the workers, the level of development of science, and the scope and effectiveness of the instruments of production applied in the labor process (Marx, 1961a, p. 54), whereas the latter describes the particular constellations of ownership and labor relations relative to the means of production, i. e., the separation between the working and capitalist class (ibid., p. 183). Since the relations of production always correspond to a specific stage in the development of the means of production, hinge on the effectiveness with which capitalists can exploit the workers’ labor to accumulate surplus value, their further development, and the accompanying qualitative transformation of wage labor, can exert drastic effects on the mode of production as the economic structure of society. Therefore, technological transformations are neither autonomous drivers of history nor neutral tools in Marxist theory, but instead crystallizations of social relations with decisive rebound effects. This way, Marx’s understanding of technology and societal development circumvents technological determinisms and economic reductionism.
Understanding Marxism as a philosophy of action thus requires a certain dialectical sensibility. Class relations are not static categories but antagonistic relations that evolve through struggle. Capital accumulation depends on the exploitation of labor power, yet this exploitation simultaneously generates resistance, organization, and demands for emancipation. A central implication of this perspective is that knowledge is never purely objective in the positivist sense. Marx famously asserted in Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie that “social being determines consciousness”, meaning that thought is historically situated. Scientific inquiry is, therefore, embedded within social relations and often reflects dominant class interests. The ruling class not only controls material production but also exerts significant influence over the production and circulation of ideas. Yet this does not reduce knowledge to mere ideology, but instead frames it as contested terrain. From a Marxist standpoint, critical knowledge emerges most forcefully where capitalist contradictions are the most evident, within sites of exploitation and struggle. Theory, in this framework, must remain responsive to shifting configurations of labor, capital, and technology. The history of Marxist thought itself demonstrates this. It has continually been revised and expanded in response to transformations in the labor process, imperialism, neoliberal restructuring, and now the digitalization of capitalism.
The dialectical relationship between Science and Labor Struggles
„The special skill of each individual machine-operator, who has now been deprived of all significance, vanishes as an infinitesimal quantity in the face of the science, the gigantic natural forces, and the mass of the social labor embodied in the system of machinery, which, together with these three forces, constitutes the power of the ‘master’.“ (Marx, 1961a, p. 446).
As precisely expressed in Das Kapital, science can be mobilized against workers under capitalism. In his analysis of the industrial machinery as a means of extending capitalist control over the workforce, Marx attributed immense importance to the concept of the ‘general intellect’. The general intellect refers to the historically accumulated social knowledge and cooperative capacities of collective labor, crystallized in science, technology, and organizational forms, which, under capitalist relations of production, become embodied in machinery, confronting workers as an alien power. The development of machinery thus emerges from a progressive division of labor and the cooperative organization of production. In the transition from the manufacture period to large-scale industry, the fragmentation of tasks, the separation of conception from execution, and the coordination of collective labor prepared the ground for machinery as capital tailored towards increased capital accumulation. Since only human labor can produce surplus value, the machine’s ‘productivity’ is measured by the difference between the labor it costs and the labor it saves, by the ways in which it reorganizes the labor process in ways that expand the exploitation of labor. Consequently, it reduces the required skill of the individual worker, disciplines the rhythm and intensity of work, and allows capital to extend production temporally and spatially, reducing the workers to the level of a subcomponent in a larger, seemingly autonomous productive organism. Although the general intellect initially represents a collective enrichment of social knowledge, under capitalism, it serves as a means of control.
At the same time, this transformation produces contradictory effects that are detrimental to workers and, in the long run, the capitalist system at large. The subordination to machinery as an objectified version of their labor alienates workers, not only from the production process but by extension themselves and their peers. The individual worker is reduced to a mere ‘conscious organ’ of the machine system, replacing the sensuous, creative dimension of work with mechanical execution patterns. This dynamic leads to a continuous rise in the so-called ‘organic composition of capital’ , described as an increasing proportion of constant to variable capital, that is, machinery and tools for work relative to the living labor employed. As productivity rises, relatively fewer workers are required to valorize an expanding mass of capital. The result is a far-reaching displacement of labor, the formation of an ‘industrial reserve army’ , which heralds intensified competition among workers, downward pressure on wages, and a general increase in precarity amongst the working class. Based on these observations, Marx formulates the famous ‘general law of capitalist accumulation’ , describing the contradictory process that increases productive capacities and, with them, the potential for social wealth, while expanding the surplus population of non-employed workers and, with it, forms of precarity. As a direct consequence, the systematic replacement of labor by machinery generates a structural tension between the production of material wealth and the valorization of value, since the expansion of productivity increasingly rests on the displacement of the very substance from which surplus value alone can be extracted, namely, living labor.
Science, therefore, occupies an ambivalent position in the capitalist mode of production. On the one hand, it augments what Marx describes as the ‘power of the master’ in the quote above by rationalizing the control capitalists hold over the labor process under the guise of efficiency and profit maximization. On the other hand, scientific understanding is also a means of collective emancipation if employed in no-capitalist ways, as is exemplified by the workers’ action-oriented inquiries of our project. Through their increased exploitation and alienation, the workers are primed to question the allegedly objective nature of the capitalist mode of production. As the class upon which the riches of capitalism are built, their most effective way of acting upon this dissatisfaction is class-struggle, a collective, concerted effort to socialize the means of production and the control over them. Since, however, workers are also alienated from each other through their forced wage labor, theoretical explanations for the structuring conditions of capitalism are an essential precondition for effective struggle. If knowledge is historically situated and socially contested, then the production of knowledge becomes itself a terrain of class struggle. Under capitalism, scientific expertise often legitimizes exploitation by presenting technological imperatives as neutral necessities. Reclaiming inquiry as a collective practice of workers, by contrast, transforms science from an instrument of domination into a potential tool of emancipation. This is the exact motivation behind Marx’s original proposal of a workers’ inquiry to produce the “exact and positive knowledge” necessary to distill the class composition of a specific historical moment and occupation, precisely because the workers experience the contradictions of capitalist accumulation directly. Class composition refers here not merely to sociological characteristics, but crucially to the technical and political configurations of labor, the organizations of the labor process, the enforced forms of cooperation and fragmentation, and their socio-technical mediation. Investigating this composition is not an academic exercise detached from struggle; it is a strategic moment within it. If science has become a material force that disciplines labor, then counter-knowledge must become a material force that clarifies the myriad forms of exploitation and strengthens collective agency. In the spirit of a philosophy of action, Data Workers’ Inquiry does not treat workers as passive objects of research, but as epistemic agents whose knowledge reveals the dynamics of capital from within.
Data Work and the crisis of digital Capitaism
In contemporary digital capitalism, Artificial Intelligence, a broad and underdefined umbrella term in computer science referring to machines or programs designed to perform human-like cognitive tasks, attracts unprecedented volumes of investment while being discursively framed as the horizon of full automation. Yet rather than abolishing labor, the expansion of AI reorganizes and multiplies specific forms of human work, because, in effect, AI binds collective knowledge labor in digital infrastructures and model architectures. According to this perspective, the current prominence of AI is historically situated in the neoliberal restructuring of capitalism since the 1980s to account for pervasive over-accumulation and continuously sinking productivity levels. Crucially, this machinery does not operate independently. Irrespective of its different forms, its functionality depends on continuous inputs of labor that render data usable as a raw material. While platform users generate abundant data traces, this activity does not constitute productive labor in the Marxist sense, as it does not occur within a wage relation that directly produces surplus value but rather forms part of a service relation whose profits derive from the redistribution of already produced value . Data only becomes valorizable through data work. This labor is indispensable for all domains of AI development, meaning training, maintenance, and supervision. The contradictory character of AI development, namely its promise of automation coupled with its structural dependence on human labor, manifests in the specific conditions of data work. Because AI is presented as self-operating, the labor that sustains it is rendered invisible, externalized, and persistently devalued. Investment flows disproportionally into computational infrastructure and model scaling, while the workers who transform heterogeneous data points into trainable inputs remain precarized, rendered interchangeable, and difficult to statistically capture.
The current turn towards generative AI, understood as technologies that aim at producing new, statistically probable data points that structurally resemble their training data, unfolds under conditions of stagnating growth and surplus capital, appearing less as the expression of new productive capacities than as an attempt to absorb overaccumulated capital in search of profitable outlets. Hundreds of billions invested in data centers, GPUs, and model scaling contrast sharply with the modest and uneven productivity gains empirically observable across sectors. The bulk of realized profits accrues to hardware producers and infrastructure providers, while many AI applications circulate capital within a tight oligopoly through mutual investments and long-term cloud contracts. Especially important here are the so-called ‘Magnificent 7’, who monopolize hardware production, platform infrastructure, and hosting space. Even where generative AI is widely implemented, measurable returns remain limited, often confined to narrowly formalized service tasks. Rather than inaugurating a new wave of broad-based value creation, generative AI thus appears predominantly as a technology for redistributing existing value and stabilizing expectations under conditions of structural stagnation. In this sense, the prominent ‘productivity paradox’ of contemporary capitalism extends into AI development. As investment in fixed capital expands, the relative weight of living labor within total capital declines, accelerating crisis-prone patterns of accumulation associated with a rising organic composition of capital. Historically, such tendencies are counteracted by capitalist strategies that raise the rate of surplus value or reduce production costs. These counter-tendencies include wage suppression, the global expansion of a reserve army of labor, intensified exploitation, and the cheapening of elements of constant capital. Under conditions of AI-driven restructuring, precarization functions precisely as such a counter tendency, as a structurally enforced response to mounting pressures on profitability. The fragmentation of tasks, global outsourcing of data work, algorithmic control, and the constant expansion of a digitally mediated labor pool, i.e., the creation of a global reserve army, depress wages and increase competition among workers. In this way, generative AI simultaneously expresses and exacerbates tensions within knowledge-based service sectors, which originally emerged from the 1970s onwards as a means to absorb and valorize excess capital. Generative models promise to automate linguistic and symbolic production, yet in practice, they primarily substitute already highly formalized tasks such as writing e-mails or summarizing documents, while expanding monitoring, correction, and coordination labor, as stated by consulting Firm McKinsey & Company. Knowledge labor is thus not abolished but objectified, meaning that workers’ linguistic, cultural, and organizational competencies are extracted, formalized, and re-embedded in model architectures as scalable outputs. In this sense, the rise of generative AI marks less a technological breakthrough than a symptomatic attempt to manage the structural limits of digital capitalism through enforced labor exploitation.
As the material capacity of AI to generate broad-based productivity gains remains limited, its continued expansion depends increasingly on speculative expectations and discursive constructions of technological inevitability. To legitimize massive investments despite stagnating profitability, the already established AI hype is actively intensified. Whether framed as ‘AI-boosterism’ or as apocalyptic ‘AI-doomerism’ , both variants fabricate a sense of inevitability to which only further technological innovation appears as a response. In this way, AI is conjured as a “technological fix” for capitalist crisis tendencies. A central site of this constructed inevitability is the debate on Artificial General Intelligence (AGI), the fictional prospect of a system with human-like cognitive capacities across domains. Claims of its imminence rest largely on assumptions about exponential scaling of data, compute, and model size. Yet current generative systems operate through stochastic token prediction, reproducing statistical regularities without semantic understanding, intentionality, or a coherent world model. Longstanding philosophical critiques, such as John Searle’s distinction between weak and strong AI, as well as persistent technical limits including bias, opacity and hallucinations further undermine claims of imminent general intelligence. Despite these limitations, industry-affiliated segments of science reinforce narratives of disruption and automation. As an illustrative example, researchers at OpenAI frame large language models as alleged ‘general purpose technologies’ comparable to electricity or steam power, even though empirical evidence fails to demonstrate comparable productivity effects. Scientific authority thus lends credibility to speculative claims, reinforcing a technological determinism that presents AI-driven restructuring as both inevitable and economically transformative. In this configuration, the ‘general intellect’ does not function as a collectively shared knowledge-standard that facilitates the production of societally necessary goods but rather is estranged along two dimensions. Not only to continuously improve the technologies employed to control the labor force, exemplified in the historical lineage from the scientific management proposed by Francis Taylor through to contemporary forms of algorithmic management , but simultaneously to naturalize and universalize the contradictions of capitalist exploitation. Scientific knowledge, increasingly embedded in corporate funding structures and competitive innovation regimes, contributes to the reproduction of a technological determinism that presents AI-driven restructuring as both inevitable and socially beneficial. The AI hype thus appears as a direct expression of the ‘ruling ideas’ of the capitalist class, in that it ideologically conceals the discrepancy between mobilized investment volumes and realized productivity gains, while legitimizing continued capital concentration and labor exploitation.
A Permanent Task
The value of DWI lies in its uncompromising analysis, which reaffirms data work as the essential labor driving AI development, expressed directly by the workers themselves. By integrating these empirical insights with broader economic analyses, DWI demonstrates that workers’ experiences of isolation, fragmentation, and precarization are not incidental but structurally necessary for AI firms to maintain their legitimacy under conditions of overaccumulated capital and stagnating productivity. At the same time, it exposes the AI hype for what it is, namely a strategic discursive and investment maneuver designed to distract from the material realities of exploited workers and largely unprofitable AI firms alike. Crucially, DWI highlights that data workers’ class composition, that is a globally dispersed, technologically mediated labor force, is a potential source of political power. Recognizing their latent strengths, workers can organize across international and technological boundaries, leveraging their “exact and positive knowledge” of AI production processes to contest global flows of capital and enact lasting structural change. In this sense, DWI provides both the empirical grounding and theoretical clarity necessary to translate the visibility of labor into political leverage, countering the ideological and material asymmetries that define contemporary AI development.
Building on the experiences and insights generated through DWI, science itself emerges as a permanent, contested task of producing the knowledge conducive to collective emancipation. Just as class struggle does not unfold as a linear progression but responds to shifting constellations of capital, technology, and political organization, so too must critical inquiry remain adaptive to changing relations of production. DWI demonstrates that this adaptability is not achieved through abstract theoretical refinement alone, but through the redistribution of epistemic authority to those who experience exploitation directly. By situating workers as producers rather than objects of knowledge, participatory research transforms scientific investigation into a dynamic moment within struggle itself. Its epistemological merit lies in the production of situated, collective knowledge of class composition; its political merit lies in clarifying the concrete terrains upon which organization becomes possible. Based on the inquiries, these terrains are the often-overlooked skillfulness of data work, challenging the widespread assumption of its interchangeability; the severity of exploitation, which, when articulated with political clarity, can generate broader publics of solidarity; and the latent strength of a globally dispersed labor force, whose position within transnational circuits of capital reveals both the dependencies and vulnerabilities upon which AI development rests. Because the political consequences and organizational forms emerging from data work are multifaceted, transnational, and procedurally evolving, theory must mirror this openness and responsiveness. As a philosophy of action, Marxism hence cannot remain fixed but must continuously recalibrate itself to incorporate the practical insights and necessities imminent to workers’ struggles.
Such recalibration entails, first, a closer examination of the shifting interplay between processes of circulation and processes of production, particularly where AI appears less as a generator of new value than as a mechanism of redistribution that nonetheless hinges on living labor to valorize capital. It also requires grappling with the strategic challenges of organizing a globally dispersed workforce whose political agency remains largely confined within national legal frameworks, while confronting slow-adapting established unions and an almost uninhibited global flow of capital. Yet precisely in confronting these novel configurations, DWI powerfully reasserts the enduring value of the Marxist framework. More than 150 years after its formulation, and despite profound transformations in economic structures, geopolitical hierarchies, and technological mediation, the fundamental separation structuring capitalist society, namely the antagonism between capital and labor and the struggle over control of the means of production, remains analytically decisive. To consciously tailor science toward collective emancipation is therefore not to narrow its instrumentalization, but to enhance its critical clarity and social relevance.
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About the Author
Laurenz Sachenbacher
Laurenz Sachenbacher, a former member of the Data Workers‘ Inquiry research team, holds a Master’s degree in Philosophy of Technology from TU Berlin. His work focuses on the political economy of AI and transnational forms of digital workers‘ organizing. Alongside his work as an independent author, he is currently beginning a PhD project on how trade unions must transform to effectively organize workers under digital capitalism.